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ter of the evil, it is impossible not to lament bitterly and mournfully, the
blindness which prevents the social posters of our time from facilitating
to the utmost the philosophical evolution by which alone we can issue
into a better state. It seems as if statesmen of all parties were agreed to
close this sole avenue of safety by visiting with stupid reprobation all
elaboration of social theories. This again, however, is only another con-
sequence of the present state of the most civilized nations; and, as a
consequence, not less necessary or characteristic than those that have
gone before.
The third symptom of our social situation is the growing preponder-
ance of material and immediate considerations in regard to political
questions. There is something more concerned. Here than the ordinary
antagonism between theory and practice, aggravated by the weakness
of attempts at theory in an infantile period of social science. The repug-
nance to theory is further attributable to the historical circumstance that
when, three centuries ago, the spiritual power was finally annulled or
absorbed by the temporal, all lofty social speculations were more and
more devolved upon minds which were always pre-occupied by practi-
cal affairs. Thus kings and their peoples concurred in exalting the lower
order of considerations; and the tendency belonged to all the three schools
of polity. If the crowning evil of our time be its intellectual anarchy, it is
clear that we cannot too strongly lament this irrational unanimity of the
political world in closing the path of progress by proscribing specula-
tive researches. We see the consequences in our experience of the past
century. In seeking social reorganization, men have not first looked to
the doctrines of a new social order, and then to the corresponding man-
ners; but have gone straight to the construction of institutions, at a time
when we have all possible evidence that institutions can be nothing more
than provisional, restricted to the most indispensable objects, and hav-
ing no other relation to the future then such facility as they may afford
to the process of political regeneration. The making of institutions in
our day consists in parcelling out the old political powers, minutely
organizing, factitious and complex antagonisms among them, render-
Positive Philosophy/149
ings them more and more precarious by submitting them to election for
terms; but in no way changing either the general nature of the ancient
regime or the spirit which worked it. For want of all social doctrine,
nothing more has been attempted than restraining the powers thus pre-
served, till there is every danger of their being altogether annulled, while
the principles which were to direct their application were left doubtful
and obscure. The pompous name of a Constitution is then given to this
piece of work, and it is consecrated to the eternal admiration of poster-
ity. Though the average duration of these constitutions has been at most
ten years, each new system, set up on the very ground of the failure of
the last, has claimed, under pains and penalties, a general faith in its
absolute and indefinite triumph. The only action of such institutions is
in preventing all social reorganization by fixing minds on puerile ques-
tions of political forms, and by interdicting speculations and philosophical
discussions which would disclose the principles of reorganization. By
this action, the character of the disease has been concealed as much as
possible, and any gradual and specific cure has been almost impracti-
cable. It is strange that minds should be so self-deceived as to disclaim
all speculative prejudices while they propose the most absurd of all po-
litical Utopias,—the construction of a system of govermnent which rests
upon no true social doctrine. Such an absurdity is referrible to the cloudy
prevalence of the metaphysical philosophy, which perverts and confuses
men’s notions in politics, as it did formerly during its short triumph. in
all other orders of human conceptions.
It is not only as an impediment to progress that the preponderance
of material conceptions is to be deplored. It is dangerous to order. When
all political evils are imputed to institutions install of to ideas and social
manners, which are now the real seat of the mischief; the remedy is
vainly sought in changes, each more serious than the last, in institution
and existing powers. The failure of the last change is forgotten; and
hopes are concentrated on the next, showing how ineffectual are the
lessons of experience when the results are not elucidated by a rational
analysis. Such changes must occur, in our progress to a better state.
What it is fair to require in regard to them is that they should be recog-
nized as provisional, and be guided be some philosophical consideration
of the social question at large. Another consequence of the prevalent
preference of institutions to doctrines is, besides its prematurity, its en-
gendering errors of the most serious kind, and of a permanent character,
by including in the domain of temporal government what belongs to the
150/Auguste Comte
spiritual. For their neglect of this grand distinction, the various govern-
ments of Europe have been punished by becoming responsible for all
the evils of society, whencesoever they might leave arisen. The illusion
is yet more injurious to society itself through the disturbances and mor-
tifications which it induces. An illustration of the case is presented by
the discussions and attacks which have so often menaced the institution
of Property. It is impossible to deny that, when all exaggerations are
stripped away, an unquestionable amount of evil remains in connection
with property, which ought to be taken in hand, and remedied, as far as
our modern social state permits. But it is equally evident that the rem-
edy must arise from opinions, customs. and manners, and that political
regulations can have no radical efficacy; for the question refers us to
public prepossessions and usages which must habitually direct, for the
interest of society, the exercise of property, in whose hands soever it
may be lodged. We may see here how futile and how blind, and also how
disturbing, is this tendency to refer everything to political institutions,
instead of fixing expectation on an intellectual and moral reorganization
Thus we proceed, securing neither order nor progress, while we
consider our sufferings to be of a physical, whereas they are really of a
moral nature. Modifications of ancient systems have been tried, and
have given no relief, and our ideas of political progress are narrowing
down to that of a substitution of persons,—the most disgraceful politi-
cal degradation of all, because, directed by no plan, it tends to subject
society to an interminable series of catastrophes. The material order,
which is all that is contemplated, is confided to a power which is re- [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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